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What are the Effects of FATCA?

In 2009 UBS admitted to facilitating tax evasion by U.S. citizens. In response Congress passed the Foreign Account Tax Compliance Act (“FATCA“) to help the IRS improve collections of foreign income. As the IRS has issued new rules and forms derived from the act, many foreign financial institutions have told U.S. investors that their money is no longer wanted. At the same time record numbers of American citizens have renounced their citizenship. Could it be the U.S. has extended their reach too far?

that’s a complicated way of saying: New rules are being written which will extend the ability of the IRS to track investments made overseas. In anticipation of these rules going into effect foreign banks and hedge funds are divesting themselves of U.S. investors. They complain that these rules are too complex and onerous because they require them to also monitor the companies they do business with. If a business partner is non-compliant with FATCA the foreign financial institution will be required to withhold more profits than usual from their clients and report all income to the IRS. Rather than develop compliance measures these financial institutions have opted to cut ties with Americans. They would rather forego the wealth of the world’s richest country than have to comply with FATCA’s rules. This trend is troubling for American investors because it means they have fewer options and less access to foreign markets.

One response American investors with large holdings have opted for is renunciation of their American citizenship. Most recently, it was revealed that Facebook co-founder, Eduardo Saverin gave up his citizenship in favor of becoming a resident of Singapore. Speculators believe this decision was motivated primarily to avoid taxes on his Facebook stock. But he is also an active investor with holdings in Europe and Asia which would make him, and the firms, subject to the new law. It is not much of a stretch to think this did not factor into his mind. And there are reports (linked above) suggesting that more U.S. citizens are leaving so they can continue to stay invested overseas and avoid any impending tax increases.

Consequences for America: With investment opportunities being closed off to Americans it will be more difficult for them to gain access to global markets and diversify their positions. Over time this may lead to lower returns and, therefore, lower tax revenues. Further, because our dollars are not as able to flow into emerging economies, it will be harder for us to wield influence as they grow larger. If the recent trend of citizen renunciation continues the U.S. will be losing access to many successful, sharp minds and their investment savvy. Not only do they leave, but they generate great animosity and probably feel like they will not be welcomed back.

There is Opportunity: If there are banks out there refusing to service American investors because the compliance costs are too high, perhaps there are also banks who are already compliant and willing to move to Singapore or Hong Kong and fill the void. They may not have the immediate expertise to create financial products that match the quality of local branches, but there is reason to be hopeful that with time they will match our foreign counterparts. Growth opportunities for American banks are not readily apparent these days so this news could be welcomed by them and shareholders. A second offshoot is that U.S. citizen investors may look harder for good investment opportunities within. Perhaps the next facebook is already invented but just needs somebody to provide the funding for them to make the leap to greatness. FATCA creates many headaches and red tape for those investors with assets overseas. But it also encourages them to bring their business home and work on improving America.

JPM Shareholder Suit Will Hurt Shareholders

It didn’t take long for shareholder derivative suits to be filed against JPMorgan Chase in the wake of the $2 billion dollar trading debacle. Papers submitted in the Southern District of New York by three separate law firms allege JPM mislead investors about the extent of the trading loss prior to the May 10th announcement. While the shareholder frustration over the 12% drop of JPM valuation is valid, filing suits will ultimately do more harm than good for investors and their stock in the company overall.

This is not to excuse JP Morgan’s risk taking and cavalier behavior. The bank is not sufficiently policing itself and this lack of oversight allowed the Chief Investment Office to open positions larger than most senior executives were aware. Many prominent members in congress and aspiring to join Congress have discussed the need for government oversight. If more significant regulation was in place it is possible that positions of this magnitude would not be permitted and the whole ordeal could have been avoided.

There is no doubt that the Chief Investment Office was in the business of operating in risky areas. The CEO, Jamie Dimon, has been an outspoken advocate for freedom for banks to engage exotic and risky markets. Lets be clear, it’s highly unlikely that any position JPM held was illegal. Shareholders are upset that Jamie Dimon dismissed questions about the positions in April by saying there is a “tempest in the teapot.” They could rightfully argue that had they been informed of the type and weight of positions the Investment Office entered into, they would have sold their shares, avoided the risk, and ultimately the decline. But this seems like wishful thinking. Had JPM disclosed their bad positions in mid-April, the stock would have immediately tumbled then. The banking industry is always going to be a risk taking business. Given the size of JPM there will undoubtedly be bad calls that result in significant trading losses. It is a peril of being in the business. For an investor to second guess the company now, when they made a misstep, is cruel. As they say, hindsight is 20/20.

Setting aside the faulty basis for the suit, taking legal action against JPM further contributes to the devaluation of the stock. JPM will need to expend significant resources defending themselves in each case. Lawyers will need to be hired, executives’ will have their days interrupted for depositions and trial preparation, and any judgment or settlement will be paid directly out of JPM’s cash reserve. Each of these factors will be an expense that shrinks the bottom line, hurts profitability, and draws resources away from more efficient uses — all very negative for any shareholder. Second, filing a lawsuit generates plenty of negative publicity. The lawsuit will drag on for months, if not years, and constantly pop back into focus, reminding Congress and the public about JPM’s miscalculation. This period of prolonged, recurring negative press means JPM will be constantly having to defend their brand through increased marketing and public outreach. That is, at the expense of profits for the shareholders.

All this aside, members of the litigation class should not expect to receive compensation equal to their trading loss because the Court and lawyers will need to cover their overhead and fees first. Realistically the only ones benefiting are the lawyers — on both sides. Why would shareholders agree to harm the company they own to line the pockets of others?

Litigation in this case would do nothing to bolster the long term prospects of the company, and instead, only serve to undermine their future growth potential. Shareholders should leave the second guessing to the government instead of piling on to make matters worse.

Why did Delta buy an oil refinery?

Delta Airlines agreed to purchase an oil refinery outside Philadelphia from ConocoPhillips for $180 million. The refinery was just one month away from being shut down as it was not producing enough profit for ConocoPhillips to justify keeping it open. Delta estimates that the purchase will save the company as much as $300 million a year because of the economic benefits of “vertical integration.” Critics are skeptical that Delta will have the managerial expertise to operate a refinery better than a bonafide oil company. 

that’s a complicated way of saying: Delta Airlines purchased an oil refinery in an attempt to control their fuel costs. Traditionally air carriers purchase jet fuel on the open market and employ “hedges” to limit the cost of jet fuel. In the past few years the price of oil has increased rapidly and undermined the profits of airline companies. Last year fuel purchases accounted for 36 percent of Delta’s operating costs! When you consider the amount of labor it takes to run an airline and the expense of acquiring and maintaining a large fleet of aircraft, 36% is quite a staggering number. Delta’s purchase of the refinery is an attempt to remove jet fuel price volatility and stabilize their profits.

What are the potential benefits of owning a refinery? Delta will be able to easily supply fuel to their hubs in JFK and LaGuardia and throughout the northeast. Eventually the company hopes it will cover approximately 80% of its fuel needs in North America. Receiving fuel from one source will make it easier for Delta to monitor fuel quality. Furthermore, Delta will have effectively cut out one middleman in their supply chain.

This purchase can also be seen as introducing more competition to the refining space. Delta is potentially showing the airline industry an innovative way for them to stabilize costs. Other oil refiners may be forced to lower their prices, improve fuel quality or provide fuel in a more efficient way in order to prevent other airlines from following Delta’s lead.

Removing parts of the supply chain is known as vertical integration. Remember the steel companies and railroad companies of the late 19th century? They started buying up coal and coke mines, successfully driving down the costs of the inputs they needed to produce their primary products. Delta, by refining its own fuel, is expecting to create economic efficiencies to control the cost of their most expensive input and improve their bottom line.

Further, Delta argues that paying $180 million ($30 million of which is funding provided by the State of Pennsylvania) is such a cheap price that even if the venture fails it will not harm their primary business.

What are the potential problems of owning a refinery? Delta Airlines does not have the technological experience or expertise to run an oil refinery. Their skill is in transporting passengers and cargo in airplanes.  Why do they think they would be able to do a better job of operating the refinery than ConocoPhillips? Better than a company whose business model is based on producing and distributing fuel from oil? One of the side-effects of an effective, free market, in my opinion, is the specialization of firms. Vertical integration does not lead to higher profits because the savings to the company of lower prices and smoother distribution will be outweighed by the lost production to be expected due to the foreign business. Delta’s purchase looks to prove this tenet wrong.

Second, while Delta has cut out the middleman of the refiner, they will still need to purchase oil, needed to refine into jet fuel, on the open market. The price of oil is the commodity that fluctuates in price. Refined fuel and gas usually follow the same direction as oil. Undoubtedly there is some markup after refining which will be saved. But if the goal is to shield the company from surges in the price of oil, the purchase of the refinery will not achieve that result.

Delta’s rebuttal: Delta will argue that they do not need to refine fuel in a “profitable” manner. Rather, they need to simply refine fuel so it is cheaper than if they had to purchase it on the open market. Any time they can remove a middleman from their supply chain, they are reducing markups and saving money.

Regarding expertise and experience, Delta will say that they are hiring the same people who were operating the refinery before. They will already come with the necessary knowledge to operate the facility in a cost effective way.

My thought: This seems like an unnecessary risk for Delta. Especially since fuel prices appear to be declining a bit. In my opinion they should continue to employ their strategy of hedging fuel costs and buying on the open market from the refining experts. If Delta can operate the plant smoothly and efficiently, it will certainly be a boon for the company. However, I think the chances of Delta making the refinery work better than ConocoPhillips are not good. As a Delta shareholder I am now looking for a good exit point of the stock.

There are plenty of other compelling reasons to own the company, particularly if you agree that fuel costs are going to decline. Time will tell if this was a smart move, but I predict it will end up being a mistake.

How does the JOBS Act make it easier for small businesses to raise money?

Last Thursday President Obama signed the Jumpstart Our Business Startups Act, or JOBS Act, which included many policies intended to help small and emerging businesses grow into larger, more successful companies. One provision that generated much discussion in Congress and the media was regarding the loosening rules of “crowdfunding.” Supporters argue this will enable small businesses to quickly raise funds to grow their business larger. Detractors are concerned that deregulating this market will legalize fraud and swindling of ordinary investors. Another provision allows companies to stay private much longer. Under the old rules once a company had 500 private investors it needed to start filing with the SEC. Now a company does not need to file with the SEC until there are 2000 private investors, which no longer includes company employees. There is much excitement in the venture capital and start up world with this Act.

that’s a complicated way of saying: The President and Congress are constantly trying to develop policies that will enable small businesses to thrive and, hopefully, turn into big businesses. One of the biggest impediments to business growth is a lack of credit. Capital is needed to acquire the supplies, real estate, employees, and technology to run a business. When a business owner is just starting or fairly young, she usually does not have much capital and it can be difficult to convince a bank to give loans. Frequently people in this position will take loans against their home. But given the dramatic decline of property values this has not been a viable option for the past several years. President Obama and Congress created the JOBS Act to help business owners raise capital more easily. Mostly they have done this by exempting them from regulations and reporting requirements. This comes with some risk though. Without regulation it will be easier for crooks to raise money fraudulently.

For a company to raise money they can borrow it from a bank or individual. Usually they are required to post some sort of collateral and will pay interest back to the lender in addition to the loan principal. Given the tightness of lending standards this option has not always been available. Another option is for the business to sell an interest, or share, in the company to an investor. Under the old rules, once a company hit 500 private investors they would have to begin filing their financial statements to the Securities and Exchange commission. Companies would rather keep their financial information closed from public scrutiny. Probably because they do not want others to see how successful they have been and how much they are spending on compensation. Also, preparing the paperwork can be quite time consuming and expensive. Mistakes will be identified and embarrassing for company management. The imminence of crossing the 500 investor threshold became a catalyst for companies (see Facebook) to list themselves publicly. The JOBS Act now increases the number of private investors a company may have up to 2000. This will enable companies to remain private much longer and avoid having to file the complicated paperwork until they have grown larger.

The JOBS Act also makes it easier for companies to find private investors. Under the old rules business owners could not solicit funding. That is allowed now. And the policy change which has received the most attention is “crowdfunding.” This will allow business owners to list their idea on the internet in hopes of soliciting investment from the public at large. Think of it like kickstarter for small business. The company will be required to file a simplified financial disclosure with the SEC. Not nearly as involved, or expensive, as getting permission to list on a public exchange like the NYSE or NASDAQ.

Why should emerging and small business be subject to the same regulation as major corporate America? This seems to be the main driving force behind the policies of the JOBS Act. Complying with SEC auditing and accounting standards to be able to raise money from more than 500 private investors or to solicit funds on the internet is expensive. The government is hoping that by lowering the barriers to raising money for small businesses entrepreneurs will be better able to capitalize and invest in their business and those businesses will become more successful. The only problem with removing the transparency of, and penalties for false, SEC filings is that it invites FRAUD. It will be more difficult for an investor, especially a not sophisticated investor like me, to accurately assess the financial state of a business. Investors will be duped into sham investments. SEC regulation goes a long way to stopping swindlers. Granted there is always going to be fraud out there. And nobody is forcing anybody to invest in these emerging and small businesses. As always, it is buyer beware.

Will the JOBS Act lead to more jobs? I am skeptical. Small business is the backbone of the country. But most small businesses fail. These policies seem to be directed at small businesses that are already pretty successful and are probably ready to make the leap to “big business.” Now they will be able to maintain their small business stature for much longer. Regardless of whether they are characterized as small or big, I imagine their employment numbers will remain fairly consistent. That being said, it will allow businesses to raise money more easily and quickly. When businesses have money they can buy better equipment or hire additional employees. Either is a net positive for the economy. So in that sense, the JOBS Act should have a positive effect. Note, as an investor, I will not be investing in any of these businesses unless I know the business really well and can accurately assess it’s viability.

Government austerity: sound economic policy?

If you have been following the debate over the Ryan budget in Washington or keeping tabs on the events in Spain or Greece, you have undoubtedly heard of plans to cure fiscal malady through austerity. Advocates of this approach argue that reducing government expenses and debt will lead to great economic prosperity in the long term. Opponents say taking government funds out of the economy when it is in such a fragile state is the worst thing a policymaker can do.

that’s a complicated way of saying: Many governments spend more money then they take in. This is known as deficit spending. This is not necessarily a bad thing, but it is possible for their debt to get so large that they will no longer be able to operate. At least, the cost of borrowing money will be so greatly increased, that it becomes an obstacle. When this happens, countries must take action to get their balance sheets in order. There are two options: a) raise more revenue and b) reduce spending. In today’s world, most every politician insists that the focus must be on option b. They propose what are known as “austerity measures” which cut government spending. This results in fewer government employees, fewer government benefits and fewer government programs. By reducing the expense of running the government, the government deficit will shrink. At least that is the goal.

Some economists believe that austerity will result in increased economic activity. The “expansionary fiscal contraction” theory argues that a reduction in government spending and taxing will result in increased consumption and long-term growth. The idea being individuals will see the government taking action to reduce their debts and will therefore need less revenue from the citizenry in the future. The citizenry will then feel comfortable spending dollars set aside for future taxes on goods today. The research is split on the issue, as with all things related to economics.

What is the cost of introducing austerity measures?  Notwithstanding the expansionary fiscal contraction theory, reductions in government expenditures tend to have immediate, negative consequences for the general economy of a country. This is because it is an integral part of the calculation of gross domestic product, a.k.a. GDP, which is the primary measure of a country’s economic health. The formula is as follows: GDP = Consumption + Investment + Government expenditures + (Exports – Imports). Simply put, if the government spends less money, GDP will go lower. Further, reductions in government welfare programs means fewer individuals will have those funds available to them and therefore will consume less. Further, reductions in government staff means those people will be without jobs/income and will likely consume less. Further, reductions in government subsidy programs mean certain industry, for example alternative energy, will be less economically viable and companies will not invest in developing those technologies as much. Further, reductions in funds for infrastructure projects, for example bridge repair, means fewer jobs available and less consumption by those workers.

It also should be noted that austerity measures tend to have the greatest impact on poorer people. They are the ones who rely on government programs (like welfare) and they are the ones who work jobs that are the first to be eliminated. As evidenced in Spain and Greece, the imposition of austerity measures tends to galvanize the young and workers to express their disdain by protest.

All of that being said, government inaction to cure their budget woes is significantly more problematic. As mentioned before, the cost of borrowing more money to operate will get higher and higher if the markets worry whether a country will be able to pay back their debts. If a country defaults, there is the potential for it to send a ripple throughout the world’s economies. Credit markets would freeze again. Trade and commerce would become incredibly expensive. It is likely the world would slip back into a recession. So governments must take action to cure their budget shortfalls and ensure they have enough to pay off their debtors. Just remember, there is no reason that policymakers should rely exclusively on reductions in government expenditures. They should consider all options, like raising revenue through higher taxes, to get out of the mess they are in.

My prediction for the health care decision

This is cross-posted at it’s a free country, a WNYC blog. It’s a lot better dressed over there. Check it out by following the aforementioned link or just read it below:

The Supreme Court survived six hours of oral argument spanning four distinct issues related to the landmark Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. On Friday, the Justices will convene for conference and for the first time reveal to each other which way they are leaning on the issues. By the end of June, all the haggling will be over and the Court will be ready to issue their decision.

I do not think — and the oral argument Monday seems to confirm — that the Justices will throw out the case on justiciability grounds. Everybody appears anxious to have a decision sooner rather than later. Since the Court took the case, they are going to want to rule on the major issues.

There are five votes we can be certain of: Justice Thomas will vote to strike the law. He will not buy the argument that the law is a tax as this would be a way for Congress to forever make an end-run around any limitation on their power. His view of the Commerce Clause is based on an interpretation that pre-dates the New Deal. In most cases that involve the Commerce Clause he goes out of his way to write, in my view, outlandish and extreme opinions (most notably his concurrence in U.S. v. Lopez).

Justices Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan will uphold the law. The “liberal” block of the Court will be applying precedent that has been the rule for the past seventy years and was recently affirmed in a 2005 opinion, Gonzalez v. Raich. They will conclude that Congress acted rationally and reasonably to regulate the health care market which substantially affects interstate commerce.

Given that backdrop, lets start making predictions on the four toss-ups. They are Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Scalia, Kennedy and Alito. Of this group, Justice Kennedy has been the justice most likely to side with the “liberal” block to give them a majority in the past. In Raich he voted with them to uphold the Controlled Substances Act. He has not written many opinions on the issue of the Commerce Clause, so it is difficult to know with certainty what is most important to him. Many of his decisions on major cases appear to be driven by assessing trends in public opinion. But given how divided the country is over the ACA this does not really help us. In several of his decisions he also discusses fundamental rights and liberties which he has a fairly expansive interpretation of. My prediction is that he will vote to uphold the law because the underlying goal, improved access to health care for all, is something that he could construe as a fundamental right.

If Justice Kennedy sides with Justices Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor and Kagan, I see both Chief Justice Roberts and Alito also siding with the majority. During their confirmation hearings they both said they were opposed to any “activist” court decisions. Voting to strike down this law, which exacted a large political price on supporters, would be the embodiment of an activist judge. They would be flouting years of precedent and putting the Court directly into the middle of the controversy. This would also allow the Chief Justice to assign the opinion to himself and construct a ruling narrower in scope.

Then there is the wild card: Justice Scalia. He voted to strike down laws regarding violence against women and guns around schools as being too attenuated from the Commerce Clause. But in 2005 he did not vote to strike down the Controlled Substances Act in Raich. Instead he wrote, “Congress may regulate even noneconomic local activity if that regulation is a necessary part of a more general regulation of interstate commerce.” This would seem to be a statement very favorable to those defending the ACA. Another consideration: In early March I attended a lecture by Justice Scalia at Wesleyan University. He lamented how quickly litigants run to court when Congress or the government does something they disapprove of instead of using the legislative or political process to reverse it themselves.

So add it all up, that is eight votes upholding ACA and only one striking it down.

Health Care Act Heads to the Supreme Court

The Supreme Court is set to hear six hours worth of arguments over three days on the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA), the landmark health care legislation signed into law by President Obama in March 2010. A decision is expected at the end of June in time for the parties’ nominating conventions and the final months of the presidential campaign. 

For the Supreme Court to hear a case two years after a law is enacted is pretty rare. Usually the judicial process takes more time to digest arguments and issue rulings. But ever since ACA became law, there has been a furious race to challenge it. To date, four Circuit Courts of Appeal have issued decisions on it. Three of them — the 4th, 6th and DC Circuits — upheld the law and one — the 11th Circuit — struck it down. When circuit courts reach opposite conclusions on the same law (this is known as a “circuit split”) the Supreme Court almost always steps in to provide a final answer. The following is a rather lengthy explanation of what the issues are and what arguments to expect.

The parties: Attorney Generals from 26 states came together and are the claimants arguing ACA is unconstitutional. The Solicitor General is defending the law on behalf of President Obama. The Supreme Court will be taking argument on four distinct questions which generally are described as follows:

  1. Does the Anti-Injunction Act strip the Court of jurisdiction to hear the case?
  2. Does Congress have the authority under Article I to require all persons to purchase health insurance? This is known as the “individual mandate” part of the law.
  3. If the individual mandate is deemed to be unconstitutional can it be “severed” from the rest of the law or must the Court strike down the entire law as unconstitutional?
  4. Did Congress violate their spending power and principles of federalism by coercing states into accepting onerous provisions by threatening to withhold federal funds for medicaid?

Day 1 — Monday March 26 — 90 minutes of argument

This day will likely focus on procedural issues. Very simply, every case argued in front of the Supreme Court has two main components: procedure and substance. Before a Court can rule on the substance of the case (the exciting and controversial issues), it must first ensure that the claimants used proper procedure to get into court. Procedure is the golden bullet. If you convince the Court that your opponent did not follow the right procedure, the case is dismissed. You win without having to argue the substance of the claim.

When the Court is assessing a case’s procedure, they are looking at whether they (the Court) have jurisdiction and whether the case itself is justiciable. Day one will be filled entirely with arguments related to these questions. Officially the Supreme Court has only asked the parties to brief the issue of jurisdiction. But I will bet anybody a nickel that questions about justiciability will be raised by members of the Court today too.

QUESTION 1: THE ANTI-INJUNCTION ACT 

The Anti-Injunction Act (http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/26/7421) states that nobody can file a claim in an attempt to avoid the assessment or collection of a tax. This is a jurisdictional question. Congress decided that the citizenry should not be permitted to sue the government to complain that their taxes are too high before the taxes have even been assessed. One characterization of ACA is that it is simply a tax on people who do not have health insurance. If this is the case, it would seem fairly clear that the Anti-Injunction Act prevents them from getting through the door. Put another way, if the court decides that ACA is a law about taxes, the Anti-Injunction Act takes away the Court’s jurisdiction to even hear this case argued. This argument was found to be persuasive by the 4th Circuit majority and Judge Kavanaugh of the DC Circuit.

Unofficially, the Court will also address issues of justiciability. Loosely this means claimants must have standing, the issue must be ripe for decision and the question being asked can not be political in nature. The Court, not Congress, imposed these barriers to entry themselves. Article III of the constitution says courts can rule on any “cases or controversies” between parties. This has been interpreted to mean actual conflicts between parties with actual harm endured by the plaintiff. Getting a court to make a ruling on a law that has not been implemented/enforced yet is hard to do. Normally the Court will dismiss the case because it is not “ripe” for decision. Essentially they are saying to the plaintiff, “come back when you have been harmed.”

In that same vein, the Court has determined over the years that only a person who has been harmed may bring a case. In other words, a third party can not step in on behalf of an injured person to sue. They must be injured themselves. If the Court were to find that the Attorneys General were proxies for their citizenry they might dismiss the case because they lack “standing” to sue. A district court judge in New Jersey found this argument convincing and dismissed a case on these grounds. It is on appeal to the 3rd Circuit and no opinion has been issued.

The Court may also decide that the whole case is a “political issue” and therefore they should not wade into the fight. Usually this is reserved for questions on foreign policy, like going to war. But occasionally it will be applied to domestic cases as well. Judge Silberman, writing for the majority on the DC Circuit, said the arguments against ACA seem more politically based more than anything. He upheld the law.

Day 2 — Tuesday March 27 — 120 minutes of argument

The Court turns its attention to the substantive issues. The parties will be arguing whether the Constitution empowers the federal government to require every person to purchase health insurance. The burden is on the feds to show there is a provision in the constitution granting them the power to enact ACA. They will advance three arguments to support their contention that Congress and the President acted within the bounds of what is allowed.

QUESTION 2: Is it permissible for Congress to require all persons to carry health insurance?

Anchor a) the Commerce Clause. Defenders of ACA will say Congress, under Article I, has the ability to “regulate commerce … among the several States.” Health services account for well over 15% of economic activity in our country. Of course Congress has the authority to regulate this market they will say. Opponents of the law say the Commerce clause only allows Congress to regulate ACTIVITY. An individual refusing to enter the market to purchase health care is not engaging in economic activity. Therefore, Congress can not pass a law requiring that person to act against their wishes.

The 6th Circuit found the ACA was within Congress’s Commerce Clause power concluding that 1) everybody eventually requires medical care and 2) everybody receives it regardless of their ability to pay. So even a person who is choosing “not to participate” will still end up receiving care in a hospital and therefore be participating in/active in commerce. The 11th Circuit reached the exact opposite conclusion, finding that ACA goes beyond the scope of Congress’s power.

Anchor b) the Necessary and Proper clause. This is the last clause of the enumerated powers listed in section 8 of Article I. It states Congress has the power, “to make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution.” As you can see, a very broad grant of authority. Those attacking ACA argue this clause must be interpreted narrowly — that it can not be granting powers beyond Article I and therefore the only relevant question is whether the commerce clause is sufficient. Those defending say the Framers knew that sometimes Congress would need the ability to do a little more and this grant of power supports that view.

Anchor c) the Taxing power. Per Article I, Congress has the power “to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises.” A third argument advanced by those defending ACA is that it simply is a tax. People who do not obtain health insurance will be assessed a tax which will raise revenue for the treasury. Courts have never judged the wisdom of a tax or second guessed Congress’s ability to collect taxes. Opponents argue this tax is not real because there is no criminal sanction for non-compliance. They say if the Court adopts this view the ability of Congress to do anything will be unlimited which is surely not what the Framers intended.

Day 3 AM Session — Wednesday March 28 — 90 minutes of argument

If the Court concludes they have jurisdiction and the case is justiciable (day 1) AND they decide there is no support in the constitution for an individual mandate (day 2) they will then ask, “should we strike the whole law or can the rest of the ACA be saved?”

QUESTION 3: Severability – If the individual mandate is struck down, can it be “severed” from the rest of law or must the entire law fall?

When the Court determines a provision of a law is unconstitutional, they must then decide how much to strike down. The Court usually tries to strike as little as possible. The question is whether the individual mandate is so central to the ACA or if it is just one component? The Solicitor General is conceding that the Court should strike additional provisions of the ACA should they determine the individual mandate is unconstitutional. They say the Court must also strike the “guaranteed-issue” provision (health care providers must offer/issue policies to everybody) and the “community-rating” provision (health care providers need to charge the same premiums to all) provisions should be severed. The Attorneys General argue the entire ACA is toothless without the individual mandate and that Congress would not have passed the law without it. Therefore the Court should strike the whole law.

Because the Solicitor General is conceding that additional provisions of the ACA should be struck down if the Court deems the individual mandate unconstitutional, the Court conscripted an academic to argue for the position that no additional part of the law should be struck down.

The 11th Circuit, the only appeals court that found the law unconstitutional, decided to sever the individual mandate from the rest of the ACA. This means, among several other things, the requirement that insurers allow parents to keep their kids insured until they turn 26 is still in effect.

Day 3 PM Session — Wednesday March 28 — 60 minutes of argument

Finally, the Court looks to see if Congress has passed a law that infringes on States’ rights by giving them no choice but to accept the new regulatory scheme governing Medicaid. This argument has the greatest potential to change the landscape of constitutional law forever. Should the Court rule in favor of the Attorneys General on this issue there is the potential that many different Congressional initiatives will be called into question and presumably invalidated in the near future.

QUESTION 4: Can Congress require States to adopt the new regulatory scheme for Medicaid in exchange for funds to run the program?

The Court has said before that Congress can not withhold money from states in order to get them to comply with initiatives that they, Congress, would not otherwise be able to accomplish. For example, in the 1980s South Dakota said Congress was wrong to withhold a portion of money sent to them by the highway bill until they raised their drinking age from 18 to 21. The Supreme Court heard the case and decided that Congress was acting legally with that restriction. I think the Attorneys General are arguing that because the states rely so heavily on Congress through Medicaid to provide health services to their poor constituents, they have no choice but to accept any new piece of legislation that covers the program. In the case of the ACA, Congress has acted impermissibly because it covers much more than just Medicaid. Tying new rules on health care exchanges and individual mandates to Medicaid funding is an infringement on states sovereignty.

Defenders say this is ridiculous. Of course Congress is free to condition money and states are free to choose to refuse to accept the terms. Just because it will be a politically unpopular decision for states to refuse the money does not mean States are being coerced into accepting the funds.

No judge or circuit court has found the Attorneys General argument convincing. The fact the Supreme Court even agreed to hear it was a surprise to many legal scholars.